[특집] 중국의 군사전략과 군사능력

• 영문명: China's Military Strategy and Modernization in Response after September 11,2001
• 발행기관: 한국전략문제연구소
• 저자명: Larry M. Wortzel
• 간행물 정보: 『전략연구』통권 제26호, 43~62쪽, 전체 20쪽
• 주제분류: 사회과학 > 정치외교학
• 파일형태: PDF
• 발행일자: 2002.11.30

영문 초록

Today, as a consequence of the terrorist war on the United States, China faces the very situation it designed a foreign policy and defense policy to avoid. American forces are working closely with the Central Asian States, and even using bases offered by those states to fight the war on terror. Immediately after September 11, 2001, when Chinas response was tepid at best, Russia moved decisively to ally itself with the United States in creating conditions to facilitate an effective war on a1 Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. American cooperation with Southeast Asian countries has deepened. Japan passed new laws permitting more active military participation in actions outside Japans immediate periphery, bumping up against the present interpretation of the constitution prohibiting collective self-defense. And in South Asia, a traditional Chinese foe that the United States has maintained some distance from, India, is now closer to the United States. Thus, for Beijings diplomats and security planners, this is a nightmare. In response to one major act of terror, President Bush posed a stark choice to the worldhelp or get out of the wayand all of the powers surrounding China chose to help. China, on the other hand, asked, what can the United States do for me, attempting to bargain for reduced armed sales by the United States to Taiwan. The attack on the United States in September 11, 2001 also brought about profound changes in the approach of the United States to ballistic missile defense. After taking office, President Bush made it clear that the artificial distinction between national missile defense and theater missile defense was not a useful way to approach the goal of protecting deployed American forces, American allies, and the United States homeland. In fact, many American security planners argued that the distinction between theater and national missile defenses was one mired in the defunct 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty with the Soviet Union” a nation that no longer existed. Bush adopted a strategy of a layered ballistic missile defense, and, in December 2001, informed Russia that the United States would withdraw from the ABM Treaty. That treaty no longer constrains the United States and its allies from testing and deploying ballistic missile defenses. China was never a party to the ABM Treaty, but the security planners of the Peoples Liberation Army and Chinas arms control negotiators in Geneva loved the Treaty. without the constraints of the ABM Treaty, which made it practically impossible to develop ballistic missile defenses, the United States will likely achieve its ballistic missile defense goals within a decade, with the first deployments as early as 2004-2005. China has reacted in two ways. Directly to the United States and American officials, Chinese officials profess their strong support for the war on terror. But in foreign capitols, and in Communist-controlled press in Hong Kong, the line from Chinese Communist officials is quite different. Rather than profess support, Chinese critics of the United States argue that the U.S. is working to create a new, global, strategic empire, using the war on terror as a pretext. It is as though propagandists in Beijing think that U.S. government officials have their heads in the sand and dont read foreign newspapers. Thus, China is not truly cooperating. Another area where we can expect a major diplomatic dispute with China in the next few years is in Geneva over ballistic missile defense. As the United States moves closer to developing laser-based ballistic missile defenses, it will be most effective to put those defenses in space. And Chinas arms control community is already staking out the ground to oppose such an approach.

목차

Ⅰ. 서론

Ⅱ. 국가이익: 중국과 미국과의 쟁점사항

Ⅲ. 9.11테러에 대한 중국의 반응과 對테러전

Ⅳ. 중국의 군사력 건설

Ⅴ. 탄도 미사일 방어와 관련 다음 논쟁대상인 우주 공간

Ⅵ. 중국 지도자들의 정책조언 기관

Ⅶ. 결론