[특집] 러시아의 동북아 안보정책과 군사동향

• 영문명: The Security POlicy and Military Tendency of Russia in Northeast Asia
• 발행기관: 한국전략문제연구소
• 저자명: Sergey Sevastyanov
• 간행물 정보: 『전략연구』통권 제26호, 63~97쪽, 전체 35쪽
• 주제분류: 사회과학 > 정치외교학
• 파일형태: PDF
• 발행일자: 2002.11.30

영문 초록

For a relatively long historic period (from 1930s till 1990s) great economic and financial resources and subsidies were pouring by the Russian government into the Russian Far East (RFE) that had been considered as a bastion of military power in the Pacific. However, at the beginning of the 90-s most of the state orders for the local military industrial complex (MIC) had been cancelled, and besides all subsidies for the RFE (transport, energy, wages, etc.) had been stopped. As a result of that pure market measures, the socioeconomic situation in the RFE has changed radically to the negative, and from 1991 till 2000 more than one million people left the region (RFE population is about 7 million now). For the RFE MIC enterprises obtaining well-paid state orders to produce armaments for foreign countries became the best and easiest way to survive in Russias new economic environment. However, arm; exports in 1997 and 1998 dropped to $25 billion and $2.0 billion respectively (most part of that armament was sold to China and India, while Russias own armed forces were only dreaming about access to domestically produced weapons). Some political experts in Russia argue that in the foreseeable future Russian foreign policy should be based on the concept of limited globalism Evgeny V. Afanasiev, Asia-Pacific Region: A Russian Perspective (paper presented at the Pacific Symposium sponsored by National Denfense University and U.S. Pacific Command, Honolulu, Hawaii, March 12, 1999); That theory assumes that although Russia is a global power, it should pursue a pragmatic policy and selectively seek to engage in world and regional affairs. In this scenario, Russias vital interests are primarily located in the regions adjacent to its borders. In view of this, it is quite natural for Russia to focus its foreign policy on its neighbors to the west, south, and east (in the last case paying special attention to the core regional triangle China, Japan, and the Korean Peninsula). Though some security threats to the RFE are still perceived in Russia in a traditional fashion (potential armed conflict on the Korean Peninsula; the military growth of China and its potential conflict with Taiwan; tension with Japan over unresolved territorial disputes; proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and illegal arms trade; development of the u.s. theater missile defense and national missile defense systems), some new ones such as illegal Chinese immigration, foreign vessels poaching in Russian waters, and especially possible economic isolation of the RFE from the Asia Pacific region are becoming more urgent. Russia currently finds itself in an unprecedented position where its primary security concerns are largely internal. These concerns arise primarily from major cuts to defense spending during the 90-s. As a result of that Russian armed forces struggle with inadequate and outmoded equipment, and the Pacific Fleet is experiencing difficulties in exercises at sea. Due to these circumstances, revival of the military became one of clear priorities that gave Vladimir Putin a commanding lead in the l\1arch 2000 presidential elections. He stated that the MIC should serve as a locomotive to haul all civilian sectors of the Russian economy. In a foreign policy sphere, Russias new president declared his willingness to maintain a balanced relationship between Moscows Asian and European policies, and reassured governors from the Russian Far East and neighboring Transbaikal regions that the survival of Pacific Russia ranked high in his priorities. However, it happened that Russia was facing too many challenges and had too small state budget to make those obligations a reality in the near future. In foreign policy sphere the 9/11 events led to a new situation in the world that had been characterized by strengthening of the Russian interests in the West (realization of the 19+1 formula in NATO, qualitative improvement of the Russian-American relationships, etc.)

목차

Ⅰ. 서론

Ⅱ. 옐친의 개혁기간(1991~1999)

Ⅲ. 푸틴 대통령의 구상과 계획

Ⅳ. 9.11사태 이후의 진전사항

Ⅴ. 결론